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Time For Reform Considering The Failures Of

Time For Reform? Considering The Failures Of The Electoral College Essay, Research Paper


Time For Reform? Considering The Failures of The Electoral College


Description: This paper discusses the many shortcomings of the Electoral College,


and posits possible alternative electoral processes which likely be more


democratic.


Time for Reform? Considering the failures of the Electoral College


A common misconception among American is that when they vote they elect the


President. The truth is not nearly this simple. What in fact happens when a


person votes is that there vote goes for an Elector. This Elector (who is


selected by the respective state in which a vote is cast) casts ballots for two


individuals, the President and the Vice-President. Each state has the same


number of electors as there are Senate and House of Representative members for


that State. When the voting has stopped the candidate who receives the majority


of the Electoral votes for a state receives all the electoral votes for that


state. All the votes are transmitted to Washington, D.C. for tallying, and the


candidate with the majority of the electoral votes wins the presidency. If no


candidate receives a majority of the vote, the responsibility of selecting the


next President falls upon the House of Representatives. This elaborate system of


Presidential selection is thought by many to be an 18th century anachronism


(Hoxie p. 717), what it is in fact is the product of a 200 year old debate over


who should select the President and why.


In 1787, the Framers in their infinite wisdom, saw the need to respect the


principles of both Federalists and States Righters (republicans) (Hoxie p. 717).


Summarily a compromise was struck between those who felt Congress should select


the President and those who felt the states should have a say. In 1788 the


Electoral College was indoctrinated and placed into operation. The College was


to allow people a say in who lead them, but was also to protect against the


general public’s ignorance of politics. Why the fear of the peoples ignorance of


politics? It was argued that the people, left to their own devices could be


swayed by a few designing men to elect a king or demagogue (McManus p. 19). With


the Electoral College in place the people could make a screened decision about


who the highest authority in the land was to be (Bailey & Shafritz (p. 60); at


the same time the fear of the newly formed nation being destroyed by a demagogue


could be put to rest because wiser men had the final say.


200 years later the system is still designed to safeguard against the ignorant


capacities of the people. The Electoral College has remained relatively


unchanged in form and function since 1787, the year of its formulation. This in


itself poses a problem because in 200 years the stakes have changed yet the


College has remained the same. A safeguard against a demagogue may still be


relevant, but the College as this safeguard has proved flawed in other


capacities. These flaws have shed light on the many paths to undemocratic


election. The question then is what shall the priorities be? Shall the flaws be


addressed or are they acceptable foibles of a system that has effectively


prevented the rise of a king for 200 years? To answer this question we must


first consider a number of events past and possible that have or could have


occurred as a result of the flaws Electoral College.


The Unfaithful Elector


Under the current processes of the Electoral College, when a member of the


general electorate casts a vote for a candidate he is in fact casting a vote for


an Electoral College member who is an elector for that candidate. Bound only by


tradition this College member is expected to remain faithful to the candidate he


has initially agreed to elect. This has not always happened. In past instances


Electoral College member have proved to be unfaithful. This unfaithful elector


ignores the will of the general electorate and instead selects candidate other


than the one he was expected to elect (McGaughey, p. 81). This unfaithfulness


summarily subjugates all the votes for a candidate in a particular district. In


all fairness it is important to note that instances of unfaithful electors are


few and far between, and in fact 26 states have laws preventing against


unfaithful electors (McGauhey, p.81). Despite this the fact remains that the


possibility of an unfaithful elector does exist and it exists because the system


is designed to circumvent around direct popular election of the President.


The Numbers Flaw


The unfaithful elector is an example of how the popular will can be purposely


ignored. The Numbers Flaw reveals how the will of the people can be passed over


unintentionally due to flaw of design (McNown, Lecture Notes, 2/20/93).


(a)6/b(4) | (a)6/b(6) Candidate a: 18


| Candidate b: 22


|


| Electoral Votes


(a)6/b(4) | (a)0/b(10) Candidate a: 3


| Candidate b: 1


In this theoretical example candidate (a) receives a minority of the popular


votes with 18, but a majority of the electoral votes with three. Candidate (b)


receives a majority of the popular votes with 22, but receives only one


electoral vote. Under the winner-take-all system, the candidate with the


majority of the electoral votes not only wins the state but also receives all


the electoral votes for that state. In this hypothetical situation candidate (a)


receiving a minority of the popular votes wins the state and takes all the


electoral votes. The acceptability of this denial of the popular will,


unintentional or otherwise, is questionable to say the least.


Tie Game


The problem posed by no one person receiving a majority of the electoral votes


(a tie) first came to head in the 1800 elections. The success of political


parties served to turn Electoral College members into agents of the parties


Bailey & Shafritz p. 61). This so galvanized the 1800 elections that the


Republican electors cast their two votes for the two Republican candid

ates,


Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr respectively. It was assumed that Jefferson


would be President and Burr the Vice-President. Unfortunately their was no


constitutional doctrine to affirm this assumption. As a result the ever


audacious Aaron Burr challenged Jefferson election as President and the issue


had to be sent to the House for resolution (Bailey & Shafritz, p. 61). Any


debating on the issue was only incidental; when all was said and done the issue


was decided by one man, Alexander Hamilton. Hamilton, and the Federalists were


in control of the House when the decision was to be made. Hamilton, who


disagreed with Jefferson but overwhelmingly distrusted Burr, orchestrated a


blank ballot initiative among the Federalists which allowed the Republicans to


select Jefferson as President (Bailey & Shafritz, p. 61). Though this entire


incident was significant the most noteworthy aspect was the fact that the


President was essentially chosen by one man. The final decision was taken


entirely out of the hands of the people and was left to the mercy of the biases


of a single individual. In all fairness it should be noted that the 12th


amendment was formulated out of the Jefferson-Burr to forever lay to rest the


question of who is President and Vice-President in a tie. The 12th amendment


stipulates that electors are to cast separate votes for the President and Vice


President, and summarily an event such as the Jefferson-Burr incident cannot


happen again. (Bailey & Shafritz p. 61). In effect the 12th prevents the issue


of a tie from going to the House under a very narrow scope of conditions. This


is far less of a solution than one which would have prevented this issue from


going to the House at all because when the issue of who would be President went


to the House in 1800, the issue of democracy was left to compromise. This all


serves to reveal yet another flaw of the Electoral College process.


Congressional selection of the President can lead to democratic compromise. This


would seem an area of concern. Though some would argue we have had 200 years to


distance ourselves from such maladies as the elections of 1800, the following


reveals how close to home the flaws 200 year old institution can hit.


The Wallace Debacle


In 1968 a three-way tie nearly brought to head the same undemocratic modes of


presidential selections that emerged 200 years earlier with the Jefferson-Burr


incident. The 1968 elections race was extremely close. Richard Nixon barley


received a majority of the electoral votes to win the presidency. Had Nixon


failed to get a majority a number of bizarre scenarios might have emerged. The


candidates in the race were Richard Nixon, Hubert Humphrey and George Wallace


respectively. Had Nixon failed to win a majority Wallace would have been in a


position to control who the next President would be (Bailey & Shafritz p. 65).


Though he could not have won himself Wallace could have used his votes as swing


votes to give Nixon a majority, or give Humphrey enough to prevent Nixon from


getting a majority (Bailey & Shafritz p. 65). In the latter instance the issue


would have, as in 1800, been sent to the House for rectification. In either


instance Wallace would have had a great deal to gain, and the temptation to


wheel and deal (at the compromise of democracy) would have been great indeed. It


is possible Wallace could have used his influence with Southern House members to


get Humphrey elected. In the process he would have likely `garnered great


political clout for himself. Wallace could have bargained with Nixon for an


administration position in Nixon’s cabinet in return for Wallace’s electoral


votes. The possible scenarios are endless, and for the most part irrelevant.


What is relevant is that the processes of the Electoral College again paved a


path for democratic compromise, just as it did in 1800. If time is the mechanism


for change then apparently not enough time has passed.


Conclusion


The shortcomings of the Electoral College presented above are only a few of many


flaws. Others flaws include the bias toward small and large states, which gives


these states a disproportionate advantage; The bias toward those who live in


urban areas and therefore enjoy a stronger vote than those living in sparsely


populated areas (Bailey & Shafritz p. 63). The list of flaws is extensive. The


question that still remains is whether or not the flaws are extensive enough to


warrant change? The Electoral College has successfully provided the U.S. with


its Presidents for 200 years and has done so without allowing the ascension of a


demagogue. But in the process of 200 years of electing the College has allowed


the will of the people to be compromised. Granted at the time of the 1800


elections the College was young and its shortcomings were not entirely clear.


200 years later the flaws have revealed themselves or have been revealed in


various fashion. The question remains then are flaws acceptable considering the


duty the College performs? If the purpose of the College is to provide democracy


but prevent demagoguery then its success seems uncertain. The U.S. has seen no


demagogue but has seen compromise of democracy. The evidence shows that the


flaws of the Electoral College are responsible for democratic compromise. It


would seem then that the flaws of the college are self-defeating to the purpose


of the college. If this is then it is definitely time for reform.


Bibliography


1 Bailey, Harry A. Jr., Shafritz, Jay M. The American Presidency, (California:


Brooks/Cole Publishing Co., 1988) Chapter III


2 McGauhey, Elizabeth P., “Democracy at Risk,” Policy Review, Winter 1993: 79-81


3 R. Gordon Hoxie, “Alexander Hamilton and the Electoral System Revisited,”


Presidential Studies Quarterly, v. 18 n. 4 p. 717-720


4 John F. McManus, “Let the Constitution Work,” The New American, v. 8 n. 14 p.


19


5 William P. Hoar, “The Electoral College: How The Republic Chooses its


President,” New American, v. 8 n. 16 p. 23-28

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