РефератыИностранный языкDiDistinguish Between Republic And Democracy Essay Research

Distinguish Between Republic And Democracy Essay Research

Distinguish Between Republic And Democracy Essay, Research Paper


Republic (government) (Latin res publica, literally “the public thing”), form


of state based on the concept that sovereignty resides in the people, who


delegate the power to rule in their behalf to elected representatives and


officials. In practice, however, this concept has been variously stretched,


distorted, and corrupted, making any precise definition of the term republic


difficult. It is important, to begin with, to distinguish between a republic and


a democracy. In the theoretical republican state, where the government


expresses the will of the people who have chosen it, republic and


democracy may be identical (there are also democratic monarchies).


Historical republics, however, have never conformed to a theoretical model,


and in the 20th century the term republic is freely used by dictatorships,


one-party states, and democracies alike. Republic has, in fact, come to


signify any form of state headed by a president or some similarly titled


figure, and not a monarch.


II REPUBLICAN THEORIES


Much of the confusion surrounding the concept of republicanism may be


traced to the writings of Plato and Aristotle. Plato’s Republic presents an


ideal state or, more accurately, an ideal Greek polis (”city-state”). Plato


constructed his republic on what he considered the basic elements or


characteristics of the human soul: the appetitive, the spirited, and the


philosophical. Accordingly, his ideal republic consisted of three distinct


groups: a commercial class formed by those dominated by their appetites;


a spirited class, administrators and soldiers, responsible for the execution of


the laws; and the guardians or philosopher-kings, who would be the


lawmakers. Because Plato entrusted the guardians, a carefully selected few,


with the responsibility for maintaining a harmonious polis, republicanism is


frequently associated with ends or goals established by a small segment of


the community presumed to have a special insight into what constitutes the


common good.


Aristotle’s Politics provides another republican concept, one that prevails in


most of the Western world. Aristotle categorized governments on the basis


of who rules: the one, the few, or the many. Within these categories he


distinguished between good and perverted forms of government?monarchy


(good) versus tyranny, aristocracy (good) versus oligarchy?the main


difference being whether the rulers governed for the good of the state or


for their own interests.


Most relevant to republicanism in the Western world, however, is Aristotle’s


distinction between democracy, the perverted form of rule by the many,


and its opposite polity, the good form. He believed that democracies were


bound to experience turbulence and instability because the poor, who he


assumed would be the majority in democracies, would seek an economic


and social equality that would stifle individual initiative and enterprise. In


contrast, polity, with a middle class capable of justly adjudicating conflicts


between the rich and poor, would allow for rule by the many without the


problems and chaos associated with democratic regimes.


James Madison, often called the father of the U.S. Constitution, defined a


republic in terms similar to those of Aristotle’s polity. In his view, republics


were systems of government that permitted direct or indirect control by the


people over those who govern. He did, however, warn against the effects of


“majority factions” and emphasized the rights of minorities.


The Madisonian concept of republicanism parallels Aristotle’s vision of polity


in many important dimensions, and both are essentially different from


Plato’s. Madison and Aristotle were concerned with the means by which just


and stable rule by the many could be secured. To this end Aristotle relied


on a predominant middle class, Madison on an “extended” republic, in which


varied interests would check and control one another. Madison also


emphasized election of representatives by the people. These


representatives, he believed, would be less likely to sacrifice the “public


good” than the majority of the people. “Pure democracies,” in which the


people ruled directly, Madison wrote, “have ever been spectacles of


turbulence and contention.”


III REPUBLICS IN HISTORY Some scholars regard the


ancient confederation of Hebrew tribes that endured in Palestine from the


15th century BC until a monarchy was established about 1020BC as an


embryonic republic. That would make the ancient Israelite commonwealth


the earliest republic in history and one of the oldest democracies; except


for slaves and women, all members of the community had a voice in the


selection of their administrators and were eligible for political office. For


several hundred years after the early 8th century BC many of the


city-states of Greece were republican in form. Carthage was likewise a


republic for more than 300 years until its destruction by the Romans in


146BC. For nearly 500 years Rome itself was a republic in which virtually all


free males were eventually franchised.


The oldest extant republic is the state of San Marino on the Italian


Peninsula, about 225 km (about 140 mi) north of Rome. According to


tradition, it was established as a republic in the second part of the 4th


century AD.


In medieval times the Icelanders established (930) a republic with a more


or less democratic form of government that lasted for more than 300 years.


The powerful and independent commercial city-states of northern Italy,


ruled by the rising bourgeoisie, also found the republican form a more


suitable political instrument than the monarchic state controlled by the


feudal nobility and the Roman Catholic church. These Italian republics were


for centuries disturbed by power struggles between the aristocracy and the


commercial bourgeoisie, in which the latter represented the cause of


democratic government and the former that of feudal conservatism. A


parallel process took place in the commercial and handicraft communes of


the Low Countries. The Hanseatic League was nominally a form of


international republican government and a limited democracy. Republican


elements were also characteristic of the league of Swiss cantons that


eventually formed the Swiss state; the founding of the Swiss republic may


be dated in 1291.


Republican sentiments were cherished by many leaders of the Reformation.


Geneva, under the rule (1541-64) of John Calvin, was republican in form,


although virtually a theocratic state. Reformist religious and antimonarchic


doctrines were also contributory factors in the establishment of the Dutch


Republic of the United Provinces (1648-1747) and the short-lived


Commonwealth (1649-60) of England, Scotland, and Ireland under Oliver


Cromwell.


IV MODERN REPUBLICS The era of modern


republicanism began with the American Revolution of 1776 and the French


Revolution of 1789. Elements of republican government were present in the


administrative institutions of the English New World colonies, but


republicanism did not become dominant in American political thinking until


the colonists declared their independence. The establishment of the United


States as a federal republic with a government made up of three coordinate


branches, each independent of the others, created a precedent that was


subsequently widely emulated in the western hemisphere and elsewhere.


The French Revolution also created a republic based on suffrage?the first


national republican state among the powers of Europe?and like its


American predecessor it enunciated fundamental principles of liberty.


Although this first French republic was short-lived, its impact on French and


European society was virtually continuous. In the view of many historians


the Napoleonic Wars that followed were essentially a military extension of


the political assault on the remnants of the Continent’s feudal structure and


eventually resulted in a new era of republicanism.


During the 19th century republics were established in most instances where


revolutionary struggles were waged outside Europe. Thus, all the Latin


American republics were products of revolutionary struggles for national


independence; many of these governments, however, became military


dictatorships. Two African republics, the South African Republic (1852) and


the Orange Free State (1854), were finally annexed by Britain after the


Boer War (1899-1902). Both in the United States and other republics,


however, the passage of the century was generally marked by


democratization of the electoral process through the enlargement of the


electorate.


Two waves of new-state formations occurred in the 20th century?the first


one after World War I, the second after World War II. Most of the newly


independent states established themselves as republics, although some of


those created in the first wave began monarchies.


A new chapter in the history of republicanism began with the Russian


Revolution of 1917 and the subsequent transformation of the Russian


Empire into the USSR. The development of the Soviet Union into a


one-party totalitarian state demonstrated once more that republic and


democracy are not synonymous, a fact that became even more obvious


after World War II, when all the republics of Eastern Europe were fashioned


in a similar mold as one-party “people’s republics” under the tutelage of the


Soviet Union.


Of the dozens of new republics that have come into being since World War


II, most have, in fact, displayed a definite trend away from democratic


ideals and instead assumed the nature of oligarchies, single-party states, or


military dictatorships. The many economically and politically developing


nations that emerged from the liquidation of European colonial empires


posed profound problems for democratic republicans. One was whether


truly representative governments could be elected by nonliterate,


ill-informed voters. Another was how to establish majority rule in a


fundamentally tribal society. The hold of ingrained traditions on the one


hand and the introduction of new doctrinaire ideologies on the other added


a further element of chaos. The result, most often, was an authoritarian


one-person, one-party, or military rule. Thus, in the last quarter of the 20th


century, although some three-fourths of the nations in the world styled


themselves republics, only a very few could be described as democracies.1


Democratic Party, one of the two main political parties of the United States.


Its origins can be traced to the coalition formed behind Thomas Jefferson in


the 1790s to resist the policies of George Washington?s administration. This


coalition, originally called the Republican, and later the


Democratic-Republican Party, split into two factions during the presidential


campaign of 1828. One, the National Republican Party, was absorbed into


the Whig Party in 1834; the other became the Democratic Party.


II THE JACKSONIAN PARTY


In the 1830s, under presidents Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren, the


Democratic Party developed the characteristics it retained until the end of


the century. It was willing to use national power in foreign affairs when


American interests were threatened, but in economic and social policy it


stressed the responsibility of government to act cautiously, if at all.


Democrats argued that the national government should do nothing the


states could do for themselves, and the states nothing that localities could


do.


The party?s supporters in this period included groups as diverse as southern


plantation owners and immigrant workers in northern cities. They all had in


common a dislike of government intervention in their lives. The Democrats?


opponents, the Whigs, on the other hand, believed in using governmental


power to promote, regulate, correct, and reform.


A major source of the party?s cohesion was its strong organization, which


enabled it to fight elections effectively, keep the party together between


elections, and shape and influence government decisions. The Democratic


organization, with its local, district, and statewide committees, conventions,


and party rallies, spread everywhere to promote the party and its principles


and candidates on election day. The organization drew up lists of voters,


got them to the polls, and provided ballots for them to cast and the


arguments to justify their decisions. Afterward, the party helped select


government officers and discipline them while in service.


In the years after 1828, party competition was very close. The Democrats


won the presidency six out of eight times through 1856 and usually


controlled Congress. Their Whig opponents, however, always waged strong


campaigns against them. Van Buren?s leadership role in the party made him


Jackson?s successor as nominee and president in 1836, but, defeated in


1840, he had to give way to younger men. These new leaders maintained


the commitment to the economic and social principles of the Jacksonian era


>but added a more aggressive stance in foreign affairs. Territorial expansion


and war with Mexico followed under President James K. Polk in the 1840s.


III THE PERIOD OF NORTH-SOUTH CONFLICT


A voter backlash severely changed the party?s fortunes in the mid-1850s.


The Democratic commitment to limited national power extended to the


question of whether or not slavery should expand into new territories. Party


leaders such as Lewis Cass and Stephen A. Douglas favored local control, or


popular sovereignty, rather than congressional regulation. This did not


satisfy some party supporters and others outside the party. Southern gains


in the territories provoked bitter anger. At the same time, the Democrats?


long-standing interrelationship with immigrant workers also caused severe


problems. Greatly increased immigration in the 1850s transformed many


areas of the country and seemed to threaten American values. The result


was an electoral disaster, as many northern Democrats, seeking to punish


their leaders and willing to throw aside their party, joined the emerging


Republicans. These defections cost the party a large part of its northern


support and enhanced the power of the southern wing within party councils


in the late 1850s.


IV THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR AND ITS


AFTERMATH


Increased southern demands for the protection of slavery and the


resistance to it by northern Democrats (out of fear of even further party


collapse) caused a split in 1860. This enabled the Republicans under


Abraham Lincoln to win the presidency. The party?s problems were


compounded during the Civil War that followed. Remaining consistent,


Democrats refused to accept the need to increase government power in


order to fight the war. They opposed the draft, social changes, and


government encroachment into everyday life. They strongly resisted


Republican tariff and taxation policies to finance the war. All of this,


however, put them on the defensive. The Republicans charged them with


disloyalty and made it an effective campaign slogan for the rest of the 19th


century. This tactic, known as “waving the bloody shirt,” always hurt the


Democrats in close elections until powerful emotional memories faded. They


did not regain control of either house of Congress until 1874 and did not


win the presidency again until 1884.


Democrats won many local and state elections after 1860 and threatened


the Republicans in others. They made especially effective use of the race


issue in the North, taking advantage of white hostility to blacks. At the


same time, the South became an increasingly solid Democratic voting bloc.


Neither was enough, however, and party leaders never found the means to


attract enough new voters or to convert enough Republicans to win national


power in the generation after the Civil War. Between then and the Great


Depression the Democrats were the minority party in the nation, able to


win only when the Republicans were badly split.


V PARTY DIVISIONS (1890-1912)


Factionalism had always existed among Democrats, as different regional,


social, and economic groups maneuvered to define the party?s stance and


candidates; sometimes, as in the realignment of the 1850s, such


factionalism cost the party dearly. Late in the 19th century, however, it got


entirely out of hand, as three groups fought for control in an increasingly


harsh atmosphere. One bloc comprised the traditional Democrats behind


New York?s Grover Cleveland, who was president from 1885 to 1889 and


from 1893 to 1897. Strong in their memories of Jackson and the Civil War,


they still espoused the conventional policies of limited government


activities. A second group consisted of the urban political machines, which


won the support of immigrants by helping them to adjust to conditions in a


new country. A third faction was made up of restive groups in the South


and West, reacting against the new industrial and centralized economy.


Angry farmers and small-town entrepreneurs, feeling badly squeezed by the


new economic forces, wanted a shift of Democratic policies toward more


vigorous government intervention in their behalf. They were strongly


resisted by the traditionalists who ignored, were complacent about, or


sometimes cooperated with the new forces the agrarians detested. The


urban political machines remained at arm?s length from both, feeling


estranged from their values and outlook. In the 1890s the storm broke. The


cautious and traditional reaction of Cleveland?s second administration to the


depression after 1893, its hostility to unions and strikes, and its harsh


attitudes toward the machines on behalf of civil service reform provoked a


revolt by Democratic voters in the South and West. They found in William


Jennings Bryan a presidential candidate who overthrew the Cleveland wing


in 1896 and dominated the party for a decade afterward. It did them little


good, however. Bryan, although supported by the dissident People?s Party,


was abandoned by many traditional and urban Democrats, who opposed his


program and stance, and he was defeated by the Republican William


McKinley.


VI THE WILSONIAN ERA AND THE 1920S At


the beginning of the 20th century the Democrats? minority position among


voters remained central to their existence. The Progressive split in


Republican ranks helped elect Woodrow Wilson twice, but the entry of the


United States into World War I ended that. The war, popular at first,


backfired against the Wilson administration when large numbers of


German-Americans and Irish-Americans protested with their votes against


U.S. involvement on England?s side. The result was another Republican


landslide in 1920, and for the rest of the decade the Democrats remained


beset by a new outburst of factionalism. The national convention in 1924


was raucously stalemated between the urban-ethnic wing and the older


Bryanite-southern groups. The 1928 nomination of the Irish Catholic Al


Smith broke the solid South, part of which went Republican for the first


time ever in reaction to the social and cultural values that Smith


represented in the eyes of the defecting group.


VII THE NEW DEAL


In the mid-20th century the basic character of the Democratic appeal began


to change, first slowly and then rapidly. In the 1930s and ?40s the


Democrats became a party of vigorous government intervention in the


economy and in the social realm, willing to regulate and redistribute wealth


and to protect those least able to help themselves in an increasingly


complex society. The urban political machines had brought to the party a


commitment to social welfare legislation in order to help their immigrant


constitutents. At first resisted by southern Democrats and the other


limited-government advocates of the party?s traditional wing, the new look


began to win out in the late 1920s. The depression after 1929 and the


coming to power of Franklin D. Roosevelt, with his New Deal, solidified and


expanded this new commitment.


Increasingly, under Democratic leadership, the government expanded its


role in social welfare and economic regulation. Given the economic


situation, this proved to be electorally attractive. Traditional Democrats


surged to the polls, new voters joined, and the party won over groups, such


as the blacks, who had been Republicans for generations?at first haltingly,


then enthusiastically and overwhelmingly. The result was the New Deal


coalition that dominated the country for more than 30 years. More people


than ever before identified themselves as Democrats. Roosevelt became an


even more powerful symbol than Jackson had been, winning four


successive terms. In addition, Roosevelt?s New Deal coalition of southern


populists and northern liberals laid the base for the Democrats to control


Congress in all but four of the 48 years between 1933 and 1981. Despite


defections on the left and right, President Harry Truman won reelection in


1948 running on the New Deal record. Although the war hero Dwight D.


Eisenhower easily won the presidency in 1952 and 1956, the Democrats ran


Congress for six of his eight years in office.


VIII THE PARTY SINCE JOHNSON


The Democrats regained the White House with the election of John F.


Kennedy in 1960 and passed much vigorous legislation, culminating in the


Great Society policies of President Lyndon Johnson. These continued and


expanded New Deal social commitments, this time to encompass civil rights


and to aid minorities and the unorganized. As the party solidified its support


among blacks, however, it lost southern whites and northern labor and


ethnic voters. The country prospered, but conflicts over social and military


policy intensified.


The Vietnam War (1959-1975) provoked many within the party to challenge


it on its anti-Communist foreign policy, which had directly led to


involvement in Vietnam. At the same time, the revolt of the young against


the draft and on matters of personal behavior and discipline contributed to


a strong challenge to party norms and regular patterns of doing business.


The clumsy reactions of party leaders and the Chicago police culminated in


street battles between groups of protesters and police units during the


Democratic National Convention in Chicago in 1968. People within the party


who tried to come to terms with the new forces of peace and individual


liberty lost in 1968 but were able to seize control of the party in 1972. New


nominating rules, inspired by the restlessness within the party, and the


weakening power of its leaders after 1968 led to the nomination of George


McGovern. His campaign ended in overwhelming defeat, but the party


bounced back after the excesses of Watergate and the tapering off of the


fervor induced by the war.


The nomination of a southerner, Jimmy Carter, in 1976 brought the solid


South back into the Democratic camp for the first time since 1944, but only


temporarily. The clash of social values, on one hand, and changing


economic issues, on the other, shifted the center of gravity within the party


and continued to drive many away. Issues such as inflation divided the


party badly. Political parties in general were in decline, as fewer voters


remained loyal to them or accepted their dictates.


Landslide victories by Republican presidential nominee Ronald Reagan over


Carter in 1980 and Walter Mondale in 1984 further wounded the


Democrats, but the party rebounded in 1986 to take control of the U.S.


Senate, which had been in Republican hands for six years. The Democrats


entered the fall 1988 presidential campaign more unified than at any time


since 1976 but were unable to overcome the portrayal of their nominee,


Michael Dukakis, as “out of the mainstream” on social, economic, and


defense issues; Republican George Bush won the election. However, the


Democrats did increase their Senate, House, gubernatorial, and state


legislative majorities in the 1988 elections.


In 1992 the Democratic Party recaptured the presidency after 12 years


when Bill Clinton won the election. Clinton and his vice president, Al Gore,


pledged to improve the economy, which had been depressed during much


of Bush?s presidency. Although Clinton was successful in revitalizing the


economy, the Democrats lost their majority in Congress in the 1994


elections.


Republicans gained control of both houses of Congress for the first time in


over 40 years after the 1994 elections. The Democratic president and the


Republican Congress often had trouble agreeing on legislation. The


Republican Congress passed bills for welfare reform and tax cuts which


were both vetoed by President Clinton. In addition, the federal government


had two partial shutdowns when the Republicans and Democrats could not


agree on a federal budget for the 1996 fiscal year.


In 1996 President Clinton and Vice President Gore were reelected. However,


Republicans retained their control of Congress. In the spring of 1997 Clinton


and Congress announced that they had agreed on a federal budget plan to


eliminate the deficit in five years. However, disagreements about the details


of the plan arose between Congress and the president, raising questions


about whether it would be passed.


In 1997 the Democratic Party came under scrutiny for illegal campaign


contributions and fundraising practices. At issue were allegations that the


Democratic Party had collected contributions from foreign companies and


individuals, who under campaign finance rules are not allowed to contribute


money to political campaigns. There were also questions about whether


Clinton tried to raise funds by holding coffee groups and allowing donors to


spend the night in the White House. Committees formed by both houses of


Congress began to investigate if the Democratic Party had accepted illegal


campaign contributions and whether these contributions were used as a


way for people to gain access to the president. In addition, the Department


of Justice began an investigation but refused to appoint an independent


council, claiming no conflict of interest.

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