РефератыИностранный языкHiHistory Of The Conflict In The Balkans

History Of The Conflict In The Balkans

Essay, Research Paper


The conflict in the Balkans is interesting because for years,


reporters and politicians have touted it as being the result of


ancient ethnic hatred but that isn?t the case. The people of the


region lived together peacefully for centuries and any conflicts that


have arose among people were based not on ethnic origin but other


things like class, ruling party, etc. In fact, any problems that have


arose in the former Yugoslavia have more to do with the issues raised


by nationalism that developed during World War II and not centuries of


three different peoples living together.


This paper will explore the history of the conflict in the


Balkans from the time shortly after Josip Tito passed away until just


before the Dayton Accords. Additionally, it will be shown that at


each of the three distinct points of the conflict, the international


community and the United States had it within their power to stop the


violence. The three distinct phases are Kosovo, secession, and Bosnia


and at each point, the lack of action or overreaction of the


international community failed to solve the problem.


The first phase of Yugoslavian disintegration can be


attributed to the conditions of the people living in Kosovo, an


autonomous province of Yugoslavia. In 1981, the socioeconomic


conditions in Kosovo were far worse than those in the other republics


of Yugoslavia. Poverty was rampant and unemployment was around twenty


percent as compared to about two percent in Slovenia that same year.


The standard of living in Kosovo was deplorable and whatever aid that


was given to the province by the federal government was mismanaged


(Samary, 65).


Another significant problem with this particular province was


that while the Serbs claimed the province as the ?Cradle of Serbian


Empire? because of a legendary battle and defeat that happened at


Kosovo in 1389, the Albanians constituted approximately eighty percent


of the population of Kosovo. In reality, Kosovo could be claimed more


by the Albanian majority than by the Serb minority. Many of the


valiant warriors who fought and died at the Battle of Kosovo were in


fact Albanian warriors, a fact seldom acknowledged by the Serb


leadership. Furthermore, historical evidence suggests that Illyrians,


the ancestors of Albanians, formed their first communities in Kosovo.


The ?Serb Empire? was not as grand and powerful as modern Serbia


would contend. Relations between Albanians and Serbs were good in the


Middle Ages because of the many reasons that tensions exist today


between nation states i.e. customs, trade, immigration, and so on


(Samary, 36). Kosovo, by nearly all accounts but the Serb


interpretation of the Battle of Kosovo, is an Albanian area.


Albanians were given majority rule of Kosovo in the 1960?s by


Tito in order to act as a hegemon to the power of Serbia. Under


independent rule, the region was able to make available an Albanian


curriculum and Albanian culture grew in importance. Economically,


however, Kosovo was still suffering since whatever gains the economy


made were outdone by the gains in population made by the Albanian


Muslims who averaged six to eight children per family. The power in


Kosovo was vested in a small group of elite Albanians who did well at


advancing national identity and improving education and other public


works but who were poor at managing and maintaining a functional


economy. Whenever federal funds were given to the province, those


elites at the top either wasted the money on grandiose projects and


ornate buildings or on their new and privileged lifestyles (Bennett,


88)


On March 11, 1981, the students of Pristina University, in


Kosovo, organized a protest against the deplorable living conditions


on the campus. At the protest, they voiced their malcontent with the


poverty and unemployment if life in Kosovo. They then marched to the


provincial League of Communists only to have the demonstration halted


by the police. The leadership of the League of Communists demanded


that the leaders of the protests be brought into custody fearing that


if the leadership of the protests remained, the protests would


continue. The police complied and in a moment of solidarity with the


student leaders, students poured into the streets demanding that their


classmates be released from custody. The unrest was escalated by


excessive police brutality and on April 3, 1981, Belgrade imposed


martial law (Bennett, 89).


It is suggested that this particular time in the history of


Yugoslavia is when the disintegration of Yugoslavia occurred. Tito


had died less than a year before the incident in Kosovo and the


Yugoslav Army (JNA) was pointing their weapons at fellow Yugoslavians.


For the first time in Tito?s Yugoslavia, the federal government had


sided with one ethnic group over another and because of this change in


policy toward Kosovo, Serbia was able to acquire control once more


over the province with the help of the JNA. Sixteen hundred Albanian


college students, secondary school students, and adults were taken


into custody and handed a heavy prison sentence (Bennett, 90).


In the late 1980?s, Slobodan Milosevic came to power in


Serbia. His first actions were directed against Kosovo Albanian


dominance in the province. He removed virtually all of the Albanian?s


rights, their leadership role in government, their party, and their


parliament. He further removed their control of their


Albanian-language library and the administration of their school


system. This was the classic case of human rights violations.


Milosevic took away their right to govern themselves and as a result,


he gained the attention of the United States Congress. A pro-Albanian


coalition formed among those who had ethnic Albanian constituents


(Alphonse D?Amato), of those who habitually cultivated the support of


ethnic groups (Bob Dole), and of those who saw Kosovo as a human


rights problem (Representative Tom Lantos).


Annual human rights reports submitted to the White House by


the Department of State read like a prison record when it came to


Serbian abuses of the people of Kosovo. Unfortunately, Congress was


not in agreement with how to treat the reports of the abuses in


Kosovo. The Bush administration was more interested in keeping


Yugoslavia together and concerned more about the breakup of the Soviet


Union and the potential tragedy that such a thing might cause.


Therefore, Kosovo, in the words of Warren Zimmerman, ?remained a part


of Serbia, albeit a much-abused one (Zimmerman, 3).?


In my estimation, the problems of Kosovo were not viewed as


important or of any interest to the national security or economic


prosperity of the United States therefore no action was needed. I


disagree with the stand that the Bush administration took on Kosovo.


The State Department catalogued massive human rights violations by the


Serbian leadership in Kosovo yet the Bush Administration did nothing.


Little was said about what was going on in the region and even less


was said by the American press because of the instability in the


former Soviet Union.


Up until this point, the official party line in Washington, DC


was that the Bush administration would continue to support a united,


territorially strong, and independent Yugoslavia. It would seem that


history had yet another crossroads in Yugoslavia. The strategic


importance of Yugoslavia was lost with the breakup of the Soviet


Union. The movement towards more democratic government was creating


an air of instability and uncertainty in the region. Finally, the


inter-ethnic conflicts between Serbs and Croats, people of Kosovo and


Serbs, Slovenes and the rest of Yugoslavia added to the unstableness


of the situation (Zimmerman, 4).


While the political unity of Yugoslavia was paramount for the


White House any financial aid that would be given to Eastern Europe


would be based on that particular nation?s ability to move toward


democracy and a free market economy. Because of this commitment to a


movement toward democracy, the United States eagerly awaited the


results of the election in 1990. These elections, however, brought


into power nationalists of many colors. In Slovenia and Croatia, the


election brought to power two leaders who advocated the secession of


their respective republics from federal Yugoslavia. Additionally, the


reelection of Milosevic in Serbia aroused fears that Yugoslavia would


be dominated by a Greater Serbia. The future of Yugoslavia was


uncertain and finally became an issue of importance in the State


Department and the White House.


Yugoslavia?s existence itself was at stake and the State


Department had to ask itself two questions. One, what are the chances


that Yugoslavia will disintegrate? Two, what will disintegration


mean? The Central Intelligence Agency was the first to predict the


breakup of Yugoslavia in September of 1990. This breakup, as examined


by experts in the embassy in Belgrade and in Washington, was certainly


seen as potentially violent and leading to war. The State Department


did make attempts to alert the Western Allies in NATO of the potential


for armed conflict but it fell upon deaf ears (Zimmerman, 5).


One of the fundamental problems with United States policy in


Yugoslavia was that democracy and unity seemed to contradict each


other. A democratic movement in Croatia and Slovenia elected


separatist governments. The United States wanted a united Yugoslavia


but Croatia and Slovenia were flirting with independence and if the


rest of Yugoslavia were to order the JNA into those republics to quell


the violence, would the United States support this action. Clearly,


the objective of keeping a united Yugoslavia would be obtained but


human rights violations as well as continuing armed conflict in


defense of the separatist governments meant that peace in the Balkans


would be lost.


At this point, the United States should have chose either


unity or democracy. Clearly, both were not what Yugoslavia was headed


for. A united Yugoslavia meant a strong central government controlled


from Belgrade while a free and democratic Yugoslavia meant the


potential for disintegration. By the end of 1991, United States


policy shifted toward support for democratization and a free market


economy and away from its former support of continues unity. On May


23, 1991, Secretary of State, James Baker, issued a statement of five


principles of interest in Yugoslavia by the united states. First was


democracy and last was unity. Finally, the United States had actually


set some sort of priority on their objectives.


On June 21, 1991, Slovenia declared independence. Slovenia?s


discontent with the rest of the Yugoslav federation can be traced back


to the 1970?s when during the oil crisis that took the entire world by


storm, Slovenians returned home from their then non-existent Western


European jobs. Slovenia?s per capita income was twice that of the


rest of Yugoslavia with zero unemployment making the republic a


popular place for migrant Serbs and Albanians from Kosovo. This


migration in the 1970?s was not welcomed because after Tito?s death,


Serbs throughout the Federation attempted to usurped the educational


institutions of Slovenia and to institute a single, unified ?Yugoslav?


curriculum. The Slovenes saw this as an attempt to eliminate their


national identity and because of this rejected it flatly.


As a result of the attempts of the communists in Yugoslavia to


reform the education system of Slovenia, the republic?s government


undertook a massive campaign, mostly television advertising, to raise


national awareness of the issues and to attempt to build support for a


nationalist movement. It worked. Throughout Slovenia, one could find


tee-shirts with ?Slovenia my Homeland? silk screened on them. The


campaign for national pride had worked.


The Yugoslav communists attempted a media campaign as well and


had the economy not taken a nose-dive in the mid 1980?s they might


have been successful. However, the Slovene media touted the economic


recession as the fault of the other, poorer republics. The


politicians argued that Slovenia was suffering not because of the


recession but because they had to subsidize the other, less developed


republics. What arose from this stage of the game was the beginnings


of an intense nationalism would later propel Slovenia out of the


Yugoslav federation and into an independence movement.


As a result of this tension between what apparently had become


Milosevic (in control of Serbia, Kosovo, Vojvodina, and Montenegro)


and Kucan of Slovenia, the Slovene people made their way toward


independence. It started with the youth movement. Mladina, a Slovene


political weekly, began and ran stories about the JNA, Yugoslavia,


Milosevic, and others who were basically labeled enemies of the


Slovene people. A new artist movement caught the attention of many in


Europe through art, literature and music. This movement began with a


group of teenagers looking for an alternative to mandatory military


service and ended with an alternative to continued federation with


Yugoslavia.


On May 31, 1988, the attacks that the JNA had received from


Mladina were avenged with the arrest of Janez Jasna, the military


correspondent for Mladina and a candidate for the presidency of


Slovenia?s Youth Organization. The charge was leaking military


secrets. Later, three other people were indicated in this conspiracy


when documents were discovered in the offices of Mladina. These


documents were believed to be the plans for a takeover of Slovenia by


the JNA although the JNA and the Yugoslav government never confirmed


the suspicions. The people of Slovenia and its leadership viewed this


attack on Mladina and its youth as an attack on Slovenian sovereignty.


With Kosovo now under the control of Serbia, the time had come


to turn the attention of the JNA and the government towards Slovenia


which was, at this time, still teetering on the issue of independence.


In typical fashion, Milosevic turned his propaganda machine on the


Slovenes blaming them for everything from the price of clothing in


Serbia to the price of tea in China. At approximately the same time,


Milosevic attempted to cripple the economy of Slovenia by boycotting


Slovenian goods and services in Serbia, Vojvodina, and Kosovo. What


Milosevic managed to do was not to punish Slovenes for their


insurrection but instead punish the Serbs who were dependent on


Slovene goods and services. The economy of Serbia was in a downward


spiral. Hopeful to raise a billion dollars in investments, Milosevic


asked Serbs from all over the globe to contribute to his


reconstruction and revitalization fund. Out of the billion dollars


that he was expecting and counting on, Milosevic managed to get a


whopping twenty

-five million dollars… hardly enough to solve the


economic woes that inflation, poor quality, and over employment were


causing (Bennett, 108).


Obviously, Milosevic was killing himself and Serbia with these


sanctions and other economic activities. In his zeal for a


nationalist movement, Milosevic managed to forget that one needs an


economy for a nation to exist and he was systematically destroying


his. In Kosovo alone, police operations costs amounted to about half


of all of Yugoslavia?s military budget and Milosevic?s refusal to let


anyone outside of Serbia to handle the situation further crippled any


hope for a unified Yugoslavia. Serbia?s actions in Kosovo were one of


the key factors in Slovenia, and shortly thereafter, Croatia?s


decision to leave Yugoslavia. Had Serbia not treated the people of


Kosovo as second class citizens within a now, new Greater Serbia, the


Slovenes and the Croats would not have feared them as much. As it


stood, however, the Serbs had seemingly made it clear that no


Yugoslavia would exist without a Serb holding the reigns.


Therefore, Slovenia and Croatia seceded from the federal


government. Slovenia was scheduled to declare independence on June


26, 1991 but late in the afternoon on the previous day, Croatia


declared independence from federal Yugoslavia. Croatia had seceded


without tackling one, very critical question. What was the status of


Serbs living in Croatia. Throughout history, Serbs had been moved


into the Krijina region of southern Croatia to defend the


Austro-Hungarian Empire against the Ottomans to the south. By the


time that Croatia declared it?s independence, however, Serbs had lived


in those regions for generations and came to think of it as their


homeland. The Croats, however, failed to recognize the Serbs and give


them citizenship in the new Croatian state.


Serbs on Croatia had considered themselves equal to Croats


living next door yet it appeared that every chance Franjo Tudjman got,


he took the opportunity to elevate the Croat while lowing the status


of the Serb. The Croat flag was altered so that the checkerboard, a


long time symbol of Croats and, unfortunately, of the Ustasha, was


emblazoned onto the flag. Serb travel had been restricted, Serb


participation in government was becoming limited and the military


began taking strategic positions with Serb majority areas (Glenny,


93). Clearly, with so many tanks, guns, and soldiers, the stage was


set for armed conflict.


The armed conflict in these Serb pockets of population came to


a head in Knin, where Croats were a minority while Serbs maintained a


majority. Milosevic saw these Serbs as an opportunity to, if not


save Yugoslavia as it was, then to at least expand what remained of


Yugoslavia as much as possible. Milosevic, with the help of Jovan


Raskovic, began to stir trouble in the city of Knin. They reminded


the Serbs living in Croatia of the atrocities that the Ustasha


inflicted upon the Serbs who had lived there during the Second World


War and that the same thing was happening again to the Serbs at the


hands of Croat fascists. Serb media told tales of the new nationalist


regime in Croatia coming to wipe out anything not Croat.


The Serbs in Croatia reacted to their treatment by holding a


referendum which was declared null and void by Tudjman. However, Serb


areas voted to leave Croatia. Theoretically, the Croats should have


been able to quell the rebellion. This was not the case because when


the Croatian police sent three helicopters to the area to take control


and stop the protests, they were met with two MiG aircraft from the


JNA and threatened to be shot down if they failed to turn around.


Obviously, at this point, the situation is getting tenuous


enough for the international community to take an interest in what is


going on. Two, armed aircraft from the Yugoslav Army confronted three


helicopters from Croatia. By this time, the international community


had recognized the independence of Slovenia and Croatia upon the lead


from Germany but they were still allowing the remainder of Yugoslavia,


essentially the Serbs, to engage in warfare with Croatia.


So, why didn?t the United States intervene at this point?


Several answers are viable. The first and foremost reason for a lack


of intervention has to do with our newly emerging relationship with


Russia. Russians had been closely aligned with Serbs during World War


II and this relationship continues onward even until today. Telling


the Serbs that the United States was going to enter Yugoslavia and


stop the violence was to say that the United States was going to go


into Yugoslavia and crush the Serbs, who controlled the government and


the JNA. We were trying desperately to form close, personal ties with


Russia to support their efforts toward a market economy and democracy


to prevent the Russian government and their nuclear weapons to fall


into the wrong hands. To offend the Serbs, and thus the Russians,


would have been political suicide.


Second, what exactly did Yugoslavia mean to the United States.


As stated above, with the breakup of the Soviet Union, the Cold War


was over. We no longer needed to nurture ties between Eastern


European states in order to head off the spread of Communism.


Yugoslavia didn?t have an impressive economy where American business


interested could invest and reap massive dividends. Much like most of


the Eastern and especially Southeastern European nations, the economy


was lackluster and uninviting to foreign investment.


The third reason that the United States chose not to interfere


and perhaps the most important is that intervening would imply a long


term commitment of men, equipment, and supplies. The recent Gulf War


had devoured many of the resources that would have been needed to


complete an operation in Yugoslavia. Furthermore, the terrain of the


area was as inhospitable as Viet Nam?s was in the 1960?s and 1970?s.


Engaging the military in an operation in Yugoslavia would offer the


same challenges that Viet Nam offered. There was no popular support


for either side of the conflict in the United States. What monetary


or economic gain could be made by intervention? Finally, who really


cared? I know that last one seems particularly cruel but if we


examine the conflict, the people of Yugoslavia and those people alone


seemed to be the only ones feeling the effects of the battles. The


fighting was primarily in Croatia… not in Greece… not in


Hungary… and not in Italy. Perhaps the e!


xecutive branch of the United States considered this to be a rather


internal problem and not the concern of the international community.


Germany didn?t help matters either by jumping the gun and


recognizing Croatia before it met the standards set by the European


Community. Under the EC plan, Croatia would have to make a


constitutional provision recognizing Serbs living in Croatia as


citizens of Croatia and protecting them with equal status. Germany,


eager to stop the armed conflicts within Croatia, officially


recognized Croatia?s independence and thus, forced the rest of the EC


to do so as well.


The third phase of the disintegration of Yugoslavia is marked


by a decidedly different approach to the Balkans by the international


community. The European Community, lead almost unwillingly by


Germany, offers to recognize Croatia and Slovenia as independent in


January of 1992. By March of 1992, Bosnia itself had attained the


standards that the EC set for recognition of independence. Sixty-four


percent of the population voted in a referendum for independence while


most of the Serbs abstained. By this time as well, it had become


apparent that Milosevic and Radovan Karadzic had planned to take over


about two-thirds of Bosnia. The United States and other allies


considered recognizing the sovereignty of Bosnia as a way to avert the


impending military action.


In March of 1992, the United States pushed for the


independence of all four of the breakaway republics (Croatia,


Slovenia, Bosnia, and Macedonia). On April 6 and 7, the United States


recognized Croatia, Slovenia, and Bosnia (Macedonia was left off the


list due to pressure from Greece.) This recognition of sovereignty


was a few days too late. Several days earlier, the Serbs had begun


their attacks. They were better equipped, better trained, and in


better position. The Bosnian army had been overwhelmed (Zimmerman,


9).


What was the United States? position on the Serb attacks? The


American government announced that it intended to withdraw it?s


ambassador from Belgrade. This was merely symbolic since the embassy


itself was still intact and under the control of a charg? d?affaires.


On May 30, the United Nations, at the request of the United States


imposed an economic embargo against Serbia. This embargo was similar


to that imposed upon Iraq during and after the Gulf War.


President Bush, however, refused to use military force in the


region and to some degree, I agree with his reasoning. There are


three main reasons that kept a military reaction at bay. The first is


that no matter how small the initial action, a continued, expanded


operation was expected. Much like Viet Nam, the Bosnian conflict


offered obstacles to a quick, speedy, and painless process. The


second reason is that there were no clear objectives in the region and


no commitment to leaving. The problems that caused the conflict would


not have gone away by simply rolling a tank down main street of


Sarajevo. Finally, the third reason — politics. Had Bush committed


troops to the war in Bosnia, a wave of potentially unpopular criticism


may have took the sails out of his campaign. How would Bush have


explained to his electorate that he was responsible for sending young


American boys to their death? He couldn?t take the chance.


So, the war in Bosnia continued. The United States and other


allies toyed with the idea of airlifting food and medical supplies to


the regions cut off from direct aid coming in to Sarajevo but the


military, without clear objectives and a plan of attack, failed to


support those missions as well. Bush lost the election in 1992 and


left office. Clinton entered the situation late and because of it,


was left with Bush?s legacy of inaction. The Serbs had taken control


of over seventy percent of Bosnia (Zimmerman, 11) and had consolidated


their control of the region before Clinton could find his way to the


bathroom in the White House.


Eventually, the Clinton Administration did raise a stronger


voice but this was short lived because of the Europeans? unwillingness


to cooperate in a plan to lift the arms embargo and to hit Serb


strongholds with air strikes. After this plan failed to win popular


support in Europe, the United States continued on it?s course of


rhetoric and apathy. Why did the Clinton administration choose to


abandon such an aggressive posture? Again, the answer is political.


As Zimmerman agues in his piece, Bill Clinton could not disagree with


the Pentagon for various reasons. He had no military record and was


seen as a draft dodger to most of the brass at the Department of


Defense who had more than likely served in Viet Nam. Second, he took


on the military establishment by trying to get homosexuals into the


military. Finally, the Clinton administration?s position with all


matters of international conflict for the next two years seemed to be


rather distasteful of using the military to solve the problem.


Clinton?s approach was to negotiate a peace… not enforce it.


The Clinton administration as well as the Congress and


American press clearly identified the Serbs as the aggressors and the


Bosnians as the victims. After all, it was the Bosnian Serbs lead by


Karadzic who claimed sections of Bosnia to be Serb territory and to


withdraw Serb members of the Bosnian government and form a new


government. Additionally, it was the Serbs who began the ethnic


cleansing of the Croats and Muslims of Bosnia. The Serbs were the


ones supplying the Bosnian Serb army and the Yugoslav army which was


beating the Bosnian army into the ground. Still, the use of force was


not a serious option.


The goal of the international community, the EC. and the


United States was to solve the conflicts in the Balkans through


peaceful means yet everything that they did seemed to cause more


conflict. One plan that was do ?cantonize? the various regions in


Bosnia along ethnic lines. However, the EC insisted that whatever


plan was reached had to be put on the ballot for a referendum. The


Serbs argued that the Croats and Muslims would naturally outvote the


Serbs in favor of a unified, independent Bosnia. In February of 1992,


the EC and United States sponsored a summit in Lisbon where the


partitioning of Bosnia was agreed upon even though no lines were


actually drawn.


Alija Izetbegovic, the president of Bosnia and a Muslim,


seemed to be for the plan at the summit but once he returned home,


quickly changed his mind. Several factors contributed to this change


of heart. Izetbegovic knew that if the west did not intervene


militarily, Serbs would surely take over the country and the Muslim


population would be decimated. Furthermore, if he agreed to a


partition of Bosnia, at least a Bosnia would still exist. Bosnia


itself would have to be large enough to show up on a map or it would


most certainly be absorbed by either Croatia or by Serbia


(Yugoslavia). However, when Izetbegovic returned home to Sarajevo, he


found that there was little to no support for the plan and that it was


in his best interests to abandon it (Bennett, 236-239).


What good would a division of Bosnia do? It obviously rewards


the Serbs for being the aggressors and punishes the Bosnian Muslims


for wanting an independence that the United States and European


Community had already to recognize. Furthermore, partitioning Bosnia


would have broken up the state into microstates with little to no


cohesion. Pockets of Serbs would be living among pockets of Croats


and pockets of Muslims. What kind of country would that be? There is


no clear majority in Bosnia therefore, the government would be in a


constant state of gridlock with nothing getting accomplished because


each canton could be voting along ethnic lines.


However, Serbs had control of most of the country. While in


control, they sought to consolidate their hold on lands in eastern


Bosnia as well as a section of northwestern Bosnia where large Serb


populations lived. The also selected as their target a narrow


corridor of land that connected the two regions of Bosnia that they


controlled. Once in control, they began campaigns to rid their


targeted regions of other ethnic groups. Murder and assault were some


of the options but the Serbs also relied on rape as a means of ethnic


cleansing (Donia and Fine, 247).

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