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Double Standard Of Masculinity In Gender Role

Socialization Essay, Research Paper


Masculinity is a topic that has been debated


in our society extensively, through research as well as in informal settings.


Many wonder what it means to be masculine, and if we can really assign


a definition to such a subjective term. After all, shouldn’t one’s own


perception be the determinant of what constitutes masculinity? This self-construction


would be the ideal in our society, but unfortunately, it represents a false


belief. Masculinity has certain characteristics assigned to it by our culture.


In this paper I will explore the many facets of masculinity and demonstrate


how certain beliefs pertaining to it are perpetuated in our society. I


will also uncover many of the contradictions between society’s assigned


definition of masculinity and the expectation that males will somehow learn


how to act contrary to that assigned and learned meaning.


Definition of Masculinity


Men are primarily and secondarily socialized


into believing certain characteristics are definitive in determining their


manliness and masculinity. These characteristics range from not crying


when they get hurt to being and playing violently. The socialization of


masculinity in our society begins as early as the first stages of infancy.


A child’s burgeoning sense of self or self-concept is a result of the multitude


of ideas, attitudes, behaviors, and beliefs to which he is exposed (Witt


1997). Later in this paper the question of whether there are genetic factors


will be discussed. However, to further my argument at this point, I will


discuss masculinity as it is socially defined. From the outset of a boy’s


life he is socialized into the belief that he should be ‘tough’. Often


when boys get hurt, ’scrape their knee’, or come whimpering to their mother


or father, the fated words, “Little boys don’t cry”, issue forth. Children


internalize parental messages regarding gender at an early age, with awareness


of adult sex role differences being found in two-year-old children. One


study found that children at two and a half years of age use gender stereotypes


in negotiating their world and are likely to generalize gender stereotypes


to a variety of activities, objects, and occupations (Witt 1997). This


legitimization teaches males that boys and men are not allowed to cry.


There also exists the belief that boys are often required to do ‘men’s


work’ outside of the home such as mowing the lawn, cleaning the garage,


etc., and not ’sissy women’s work’ such as cooking and cleaning, etc. Other


factors help to perpetuate certain standards expected of men and boys (Stearns


1990).


The violence boy’s witness on television


further legitimates this belief. Katz explains that advertising imagery


equates masculinity with violence. For boys this means aggression is instrumental


in that it enables them to establish their masculinity (Katz 1995). Lee


Bowker researched the influence advertisements have on youth. He asserts


that toy advertisements featuring only boys depict aggressive behavior.


Strangely, the aggressive behavior generally results in positive consequences


more often than negative. Bowker also looked at commercials with boys that


contain references to domination. The results of all the commercials indicate


that 68.6% of the commercials positioned toward boys contain incidents


of verbal and physical aggression. There was no cross?gender display of


aggressive behavior. Interestingly, not one single-sex commercial featuring


girls shows any act of aggression (Bowker 1998). This research helps explain


that it is not just the reinforcement of close caretakers to the child


that legitimate masculinity but society as a whole (using the television


as a symbol of society and it’s desires).


Another example of how this can be reinforced


even by women who may or may not be trying to promulgate such a belief


is with an experience I had growing up:


When I would get a cut or a bruise, I


would muster up all the strength I had to not cry. I feared that if I cried


I wouldn’t be worthy of being a tough kid. On one occasion I had a severe


cut in my knee that required several stitches. When I took a look at the


wound after rolling up my pant leg, my first inclination was to break out


crying. However, at that moment my teacher told me what a brave boy I was


and how amazed she was that I was not crying. She probably did not realize


that she was sending a message to me that if I cried I would not be tough


enough, and therefore I would not become a real man.


Athletics is another type of legitimation


that reinforces society’s definition of masculinity. Boys watch how their


fathers dote and fawn over ‘the game’, whether it is football, basketball,


or any other sport that epitomizes masculinity. Children notice that the


‘men’ on TV impress dad and they want to be like that. This initial reinforcer


is a major impetus for boys wanting to learn athletics (Thompson 1995).


It may not be just that dad watches athletics on TV, but also in speaking


with his son, he may encourage him to develop his athletic prowess. He


can do this in ways such as buying him a baseball glove so they can spend


time playing catch, or buying him other ‘masculine’ athletic equipment


such as guns. All of these factors serve as primary socializers in instilling


within boys the desire to excel physically. Similarly, how often are young


boys seen competing with each other in bike races, acts of physical strength


or even in something as simple as “My dad can beat up your dad?” Little


boys are taught to see physical prowess as the ideal. An interesting aspect


of masculinity is that we are not taught so much to be “manly” but rather


to not be feminine. Most of what a young boy learns about what it means


to be masculine is presented to him at such an early stage that he accepts


it as an inevitable truth. Often young boys can be found taunting and even


motivating each other with phrases like “Don’t be a (sissy) girl” or “Only


girls do that.” It seems that there is a pervasive fear among all males


that the worst possible insult is to be labeled a female. William Betcher


reports that some societies take this concept to an extreme. He talks of


the initiation rites of the Sambia of New Guinea saying, “Initiation rites


begin when boys are seven to ten years old and include oral ingestion of


older boys’ semen and painful bleeding by sticking grass reeds up the nose.


The bleeding is a counterpart of menstruation and semen is ingested instead


of mother’s milk” (Betcher 1993). Although these actions seek to mark the


boy as “not a woman”, ironically they incorporate basic feminine biologic


functions that men lack.


Secondary socialization then acts in the


later stages of a boy’s life to reaffirm society’s beliefs about masculinity.


As boys grow older, their bodies develop and they enter junior high and


high school. At this point they begin to really understand that physical


prowess and largess are the ideal. To see how this is done, we can simply


look at the emphasis given to athletics versus the emphasis given to academics


in public schools. Understandably, how schools emphasize athletics over


academics is going to have some influence over the way young men think


and visualize the importance of physical prowess, but the true legitimator


is how athletes are seen by the student?body of the school. Pep rallies


are thrown to support the ‘athletes’, the ’stars’ of the school. Girls


swoon over the

masculine ‘hunks’.


As young boys move into adulthood they


are told to “be men” when confronted with a formidable challenge or when


they face some sort of agony. The implication in this phrase is that men


should be immune to pain and not show any emotion. To show emotion would


be a sign of weakness and society would view them as abnormal or inferior


(Pollack 1995).


I have covered the socialization process


showing how physical prowess is objectified and legitimated in males. This


process, however, does not end in high school. As men move into their twenties


and thirties, health and fitness become issues of concern. To see how health


and fitness are socially defined as overly muscular men, one need only


pick up a copy of Men’s Health. Invariably you will find on the cover,


men flaunting their toned, muscular bodies, and often you will find them


with a seductively beautiful and toned woman by their side. These toned


and muscled men are seen and depicted by society as the ideal. They may


not be the healthiest individuals and probably are not. Nevertheless, they


are deemed as the ‘ideal men’ of our society. Along with the emphasis on


health and fitness comes the continued advent of athletic prowess. How


often are men asked “Did you see the game last night?” or “How about them


Jazz?” In the work place and social groupings, men often turn the topic


of conversation to athletic events, enthralled and enraptured by the topic.


From the beginning of male life to the very end, society has determined


that men must be strong, tough, aloof, and powerful to be considered masculine


and not weak or effeminate.


Is this all that society (and women) want


in men? Do they want simple-minded ‘hunks’ of musculature that are ‘tough’.


It is no longer sufficient for men to just be ‘tough’ physically. They


must also demonstrate competence intellectually, spiritually and emotionally.


This argument is not to say that being physically fit and healthy is a


negative characteristic, but rather it is only trying to point out that


what society is defining as the ideal is later revoked by that same society,


or at the very least discarded and seen as secondary to the truly important


mental prowess, sensitivity and intelligence.


This is where the double standard becomes


evident. William Pollack, a Harvard clinical psychologist, talks about


how males have been put in a “gender straightjacket” that leads to anger,


despair and often violence. Pollack states, “We ask them (men) to take


a whole range of feelings and emotions and put those behind a mask . .


. We tell them they have to stand on their own two feet and we shame them


if they show any emotion.” Pollack says that boys are shame phobics and


“some will [even] kill to avoid shame”(Gwartney 1998). It appears that


the standard defined by society allows men to express their emotion only


through anger. With such strict conflicting expectations, a male often


doesn’t know how to act. Rigid stereotypes have been emphasized to them


from an early age of what it means to really be a man. However, men are


often criticized for being one dimensional in their behavior and emotions.


They are expected by society to be sensitive


and show their emotions. “Men are so insensitive!”‘ Are they? Why do women


think men are so insensitive? Do they realize that insensitivity is what


men have been taught their whole lives? Realistically, men are in a no?win


situation. If they don’t show their emotions, they are berated for being


detached from the essence of what really constitutes a human being. On


the other hand, if a male decides to expose his emotions, he is labeled


as a “sissy” and not viewed as equal to other males who demonstrate more


valor and bravery.


Genetics vs. Socialization


Why do we choose blue for boys and pink


for girls? Why do we have girls take dance and boys play baseball? There


is no genetic difference as to why women would do laundry and a man would


mow the lawn. This is a result of externalization (Bowker 1998). But are


males more prone to ‘toughness’ and masculinity than women? Could it be


said that genetics play a factor in what is so often considered to be a


socially defined aspect of male masculinity?


In general, males are much more aggressive


than females. Biologists and anthropologists would propose that this is


because humans have evolved from a polygamous society. In that society


males competed hard to procreate, and females worked to raise and support


the young. These roles demanded aggression in males, and promoted rules


such as hierarchy, competition and dominance.


A theory promulgated by David Buss takes


into consideration the social side of aggression while maintaining that


biological instincts are the underlying cause. He suggests in his book


The Evolution of Desire that the existence of large numbers of men who


cannot attract a mate may increase sexual aggression and rape. He states


that “violence is often the recourse of people who lack resources that


would otherwise elicit voluntary compliance with their wishes.” Rape occurs


more often by men who lack the status and resources that women want in


mates (Buss 1994).


Richard Wrangham and Dale Petersen take


another perspective with their insightful article about primates. From


their research they conclude that a high percentage of matings were forced


copulations. These findings were mostly with the orangutan species, but


there is also evidence that chimpanzees and ducks participate in what appears


to be rape. The theories suggest that natural selection has favored rape


as a way for smaller males to impregnate females. This theory has also


been argued with humans. Thus it could be said that males are genetically


prone to violence and aggression (Wrangham 1997).


Conclusion


Is there a double standard in masculinity?


It is apparent through my arguments that society expects men to be both


‘tough’ and ‘gentle’ while some might argue that genetics, instincts and


their animalistic nature for men to act more tough than gentle. The paradox


is evident, the source ambiguous. Regardless, masculinity is an unrealistic


expectation of men. Who or what are they supposed to be?


Bibliography


Betcher, William R. et al. (1993) In a


time of fallen Heroes. New York, NY, Macmillan Publishing Company.


Bowker, Lee H. (1998) Masculinities and


Violence. Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage Publications, Inc.


Buss, David. (1994) The Evolution of Desire.


New York, NY, St. Martin’s Press, Inc.


Gwartney, Debra. (October 17, 1998) “Double


bind of boys concerns psychologists.” Oregon Times.


Katz, Jackson. (1995) “Advertising and


the Construction of Violent White Masculinity” In Dines, Gail and Humez,


Jean. (Eds.) Gender, Race and Class in Media. Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage Publications.


Pollack, William. (1995) “Deconstructing


Dis-identification: Rethinking psychoanalytic Concepts of male development.”


Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy. 12(1)30-45.


Stearns, Peter N. (1990) Be A Man! Males


in Modern Society. New York, NY, Holmes & Meier Publishers, Inc.


Thompson, Neil. (1995) “Men and Anti-Sexism”


British Journal of Social Work. 25(4)459-475.


Witt, Susan D. (1997) “Parental influence


on children’s socialization to gender roles.” Adolescence. 32(126)253-257.


Wrangham R. et al. (1997) Relationship


Violence in Demonic Males. New York, NY, Routledge.

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