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Gay Dennis Essay Research Paper More About

Gay Dennis Essay, Research Paper


More About The 1968 Tet Offensive


For several thousand years, Vietnamese Lunar New Year has been a


traditional celebration that brings the Vietnamese a sense of


happiness, hope and peace. However, in recent years, It also


bring back a bitter memory full of tears. It reminds them the


1968 bloodshed, a bloodiest military campaign of the Vietnam War


the North Communists launched against the South.


The “general offensive and general uprising” of the north marked


the sharp turn of the Vietnam War. Today there have been a great


number of writings about this event. However, it seems that many


key facts in the Communist campaign are still misinterpreted or


neglected.


In the mid-80, living in Saigon after being released from the


Communist “re-education camp,” I read a book published in the


early 1980’s in America about the story of the 1968 Tet


Offensive. It said that the North Vietnamese Army supreme command


had imitated one of the greatest heroes of Vietnam, King Quang


Trung, who won the most spectacular victory over the Chinese


aggressors in the 1789 counter-attack – in planning the 1968


operations.


The book quoted King Quang Trung’s tactic of surprise. He let the


troops celebrate the 1789 Tet Festival one day ahead so that he


could launch the attacks on the first three days of the lunar new


year while the Chinese troops were still feasting and not ready


to organize their defense.


Those who claimed the similarity between the two campaigns


certainly did not know the whole truth, but jumped into


conclusion with wild imagination after learning that the North


Vietnamese attacking units also celebrated Tet “one day ahead”


before the attacks.


In fact, the Tet Offensive broke out on the Tet’s Eve – in the


early morning of January 30, 1968 at many cities of Central


Vietnam, such as Da Nang and Qui Nhon, as well as cities in the


central coastal and highland areas, that lied within the


Communist 5th Military Region.. The other cities to the south


that included Saigon, were attacked 24 hours later at the small


hours of January 31. Thus the offensive lost its element of total


surprise that every tactician has to respect.


But It surprised me that some in the American media were still


unaware of such tragic story.


The story started some 5 months previously. On August 8, 1967,


the North Vietnam government approved a lunar calendar


specifically compiled for the 7th time zone that covers all


Vietnam, replacing the traditional lunar calendar that had been


in use in Asia for hundreds of years.


That old calendar was calculated for the 8th time zone that


Beijing falls right in the middle. It was accepted in general by


a few nations such as China, Vietnam, Taiwan, Hong Kong and


somewhat in Japan and Korea, mostly for traditional celebrations


and religious purposes. South Vietnam used this calendar. With


common cultural origin, these countries needed not have their own


calendar, particularly it has not been used for scientific and


administrative activities.


The North Vietnam new lunar calendar differs from the common


calendar about some dates, such as the leap months of certain


year (1984 and 1987) and the Tet’s Eve of the three Lunar New


Years: Mau Than (1968), Ky Dau (1969) and At Suu (1985). South


Vietnam celebrated the first day of the Mau Than lunar year on


January 30, 1968, while North Vietnam celebrated it on Jan 29,


1968.


It was obviously that the North Vietnamese leaders had ordered


the offensives to be launched on the night of the first day of


Tet to take the objectives by total surprise. By some reason, the


North Vietnamese Army Supreme Command was not aware of the fact


that there were different dates for Tet between North and South


Vietnam. Therefore, most NVA units in the Communist 5th Military


Region – closer to North Vietnam – probably used North Vietnamese


calendar, and conducted their attacks in the night between Jan 29


and 30, while their comrades farther to the south attacked in the


night from Jan 30 to 31.


Many in the intelligence branch of the South Vietnamese Armed


Forces were well aware of the reason why the Communist forces


launched their attacks at two different dates. Information from


sources among NVA prisoners of war and ralliers about the new


calendar of North Vietnam should have been neglected by the


American side. The information was also available in broadcast


from Hanoi Radio.


In military operations, nothing is more important than surprise.


So the Communist forces lost their advantage of surprise on more


than half of the objectives. Had the Vietnamese Communists


conducted their coordinated attacks at the same H-hour, South


Vietnam would have been in much more troubles.


The large scale offensive resulted in drastic human and morale


losses of the Communist forces. However, the offensive caused an


extreme negative effect in the American public opinion and


boosted the more bitter protests against the war.


Until lately, the Ha Noi propaganda and political indoctrination


system has always claimed the Tet offensive their military


victory, and never insisted on their victory over the morale of


the American public.. Obviously, Ha Noi leaders won a priceless


victory at an unintended objective.


In South Vietnam, on the contrary, the offensive created an


unexpected attitude among the people.


After the first few hours of panic, the South Vietnamese armed


forces reacted fiercely. There were hundreds of stories of brave


soldiers and small units who fought their enemies with incredible


courage..


A large number of those who were playing fence-sitters especially


in the region around Hue City then took side with the nationalist


government.


Several mass graves were found where thousands unarmed soldiers,


civil servants and civilians were shot, stabbed, or with skulls


mashed by clubs and buried in strings of ropes, even buried


alive. A large number of VC-sympathizers who saw the horrible


graves, undeniable evidence of the Communist barbarian crimes,


changed side.


The most significant indication of such attitude could be


observed from the figures of young volunteers. to join the army.


After the first wave of Communist attacks, a great number of


youth under draft age – below 20 years old – voluntarily enrolled


in the army for combat units, so high that thousands of young


draftees were delayed reporting for boot camps.


On the Communist side, the number of ralliers known as “chieu


hoi” increased about four times. The offensive planners


apparently expected the so-called “people upraising,” so most


secret cells were ordered to emerge. When the attacking units


were crushed, cell members had to flee to the green


forests. Thus the Tet offensive helped South Vietnam neutralize


much of the Communist infrastructure before the Phoenix Campaign


got rid of many others.


Unfortunately, such achievements were nullified by the waves of


protests in America. As in any other developing countries, nobody


takes heed of a speech from a Vietnamese official. But the same


thing from an American statesman or even a protester could be


well listened to and trusted. So information from the Western


media produced rumors that the USA was about to sell off South


Vietnam to the Communist blocks.


The rumors were almost absolutely credible to the Vietnamese -


particularly the military servicemen of all ranks – because of


another hearsay that until now have a very powerful impact on the


mind of a great number of the South Vietnamese. There have been


no poll on the subject, but it was estimated that more than half


of the soldiers strongly believed that “it was the Americans who


helped the Communist attack the South Vietnamese cities.”


Hundreds of officers from all over South Vietnam asserted that


they “saw” NVA soldiers moving into the cities on US Army trucks,


or American helicopters transporting supplies to NVA units. In


Saigon, most people accepted the allegation that the Americans


deliberately let the Communists infiltrate the capital city


because the American electronic sensor defense system around


Saigon was able to detect things as small as a mouse crossing the


hi-tech fences.


Another hearsay among the South Vietnamese military ran that


“none of the American military units or installation and agencies


- military or civilian – was under Communist first phase of the


offensive (February) except for the US Embassy. And only after


nearly three weeks did the US Marines engaged in the battle of


Hue, in the old Royal Palace” The allegation seemed to be true.


The American combat units, however, were fighting fierce battles


in phase 2 (May 1968) and phase 3 (September 1968).


Similar rumors might have been of no importance if they were in


America.But in Vietnam, they did convince a lot of people. In the


military, they dealt deadly blows on the soldiers’ morale. Their


impacts still lingered on until the last days of April 1975.


The truth in the rumors did not matter much. But the fact that a


great numbers of the fighting men strongly believed the rumors


turned them into a deadly psychological weapon which very few or


maybe none has ever properly treated in writU.S Involvement in the Vietnam War


“No new taxes.” This is a quote that most all of us


remember from the 1992 presidential election. Along with it we


remember that there were new taxes during that presidents term in


office. There are a myriad of promises made and things done in a


presidential election year that have questionable motives as to


whether they are done in the best interest of the people or in


the interests of the presidential candidate. Th

ese hidden


interests are one of the biggest problems with the political


aspects of government in modern society. One of the prime


examples of this is the Vietnam War. Although South Vietnam


asked for our help, which we had previously promised, the entire


conflict was managed in order to meet personal political agendas


and to remain politically correct in the world’s eyes rather than


to bring a quick and decisive end to the conflict. This can be


seen in the selective bombing of Hanoi throughout the course of


the Vietnam War. Politically this strategy looked very good.


However, militarily it was ludicrous. War is the one arena in


which politicians have no place. War is the military’s sole


purpose. Therefore, the U. S. Military should be allowed to


conduct any war, conflict, or police action that it has been


committed to without political interference or control because of


the problems and hidden interests which are always present when


dealing with polit


United States involvement in the Vietnam War actually


began in 1950 when the U. S. began to subsidize the French Army


in South Vietnam. This involvement continued to escalate


throughout the 1950’s and into the early 1960’s. On August 4,


1964 the Gulf of Tonkin incident occurred in which American Naval


Vessels in South Vietnamese waters were fired upon by North


Vietnam. On August 5, 1964 President Johnson requested a


resolution expressing the determination of the United Sates in


supporting freedom and in protecting peace in southeast Asia (


Johnson ). On August 7, 1964, in response to the presidential


request, Congress authorized President Johnson to take all


necessary measures to repel any attack and to prevent aggression


against the U. S. in southeast Asia ( United States ). The


selective bombing of North Vietnam began immediately in response


to this resolution. In March of the following year U. S. troops


began to arrive.


Although the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution specifically


stated that we had no military, political, or territorial


ambitions in southeast Asia, the interests back home were quite


a different story ( Johnson ). The political involvement in


Vietnam was about much more than just promised aid to a weak


country in order to prevent the spread of communism. It was


about money. After all, wars require equipment, guns, tools and


machinery. Most of which was produced in the United States. It


was about proving America’s commitment to stop communism. Or


rather to confine communism in its present boundaries But most


of all it was about politics. The presidential political


involvement in Vietnam had little to do with Vietnam at all. It


was about China for Eisenhower, about Russia for Kennedy, about


Washington D.C. for Johnson, and about himself for Nixon ( Post


). The last two of which were the major players in America’s


involvement in regards to U. S. Troops being used ( Wittman ).


The military involvement in Vietnam is directly related


to the political management of the military throughout the war.


The military controlled by the politicians. The micro


management of the military by the White House for political gain


is the primary reason for both the length and cost, both monetary


and human, of the Vietnam War ( Pelland ). One of the largest


problems was the lack of a clear objective in the war and the


support to accomplish it. The predominant military opinion of


the military’s role in Vietnam in respect to the political


involvement is seen in the following quote by General Colin


Powell, “If you’re going to put into something then you owe the


armed forces, you owe the American People, you owe just you’re


own desire to succeed, a clear statement of what political


objective you’re trying to achieve and then you put the


sufficient force to that objective so that you know when you’ve


accomplished it.” The politicians dictated the war in Vietnam,


it was a limited war, the military was never allowed to fight the


war in the manner that they thought that they needed to in order


to win it ( Baker ).


To conclude on the Vietnam War, the political management


of the war made it unwinnable. The military was at the mercy of


politicians who knew very little about what needed to be done


militarily in order to win the war. There is an enormous


difference between political judgment and military judgment.


This difference is the primary reason for the outcome of the


Vietnam War ( Schwarzkopf ).


The Gulf War in the Middle East was almost the exact


opposite in respect to the political influence on the war. In


respect to the military objective of the war the two are


relatively similar. The objective was to liberate a weaker


country from their aggressor. The United Nation’s resolution was


explicit in its wording regarding military force in the Persian


Gulf. The resolution specifically stated “by all means


necessary.”( Schwarzkopf ).


The President was very aware of the problems with


political management of warfare throughout the war. He was very


determined to let the military call the shots about how the war


was conducted. He made a specific effort to prevent the


suggestion that civilians were going to try to run the war (


Baker ). Painful lessons had been learned in the Vietnam War,


which was still fresh on the minds of many of those involved in


this war ( Baker ).


The military was given full control to use force as they


saw fit. Many of the top military leaders had also been involved


in the Vietnam War. These men exhibited a very strong never


again attitude throughout the planning stages of this war.


General Schwarzkopf made the following statement about the


proposed bombing of Iraq in regards to the limited bombing in


Vietnam, “I had no doubt we would bomb Iraq if I was going to be


the Military Commander.” He went on to say that it would be


absolutely stupid to go into a military campaign against his,


Iraq’s, forces who had a tremendous advantage on us on the


ground, numbers wise. It would be ludicrous not to fight the


war in the air as much, if not more, than on the ground (


Schwarzkopf ).


The result of the Gulf War in which the military was


given control, as we know, was a quick, decisive victory. There


were many other factors involved in this than just the military


being given control, particularly in contrast to Vietnam, but the


military having control played a major part in this victory.


In conclusion, although there are some major differences


between the two conflicts one fact can be seen very clearly.


That is the fact that the military is best suited for conducting


wars. Politicians are not. It is not the place of a politicians


to be involved in the decision making process in regards to war


or military strategy. The White House has significant control in


military matters. That control should be used to help the


military in achieving its goals as it was in the Gulf War where


George Bush said specifically to let the military do its job.


The only alternative to this is to use political influence in the


ege Station. 9-10 Jan. 1996.


“Interview with Secretary of State, James Baker.” Frontline WGBH


Educational Foundation. PBS, College Station. 9-10 Jan. 1996.


Johnson, Lyndon B. “The Tonkin Gulf Incident.” Message to


Congress. Aug. 5, 1964. Department of State Bulletin 24 Aug.


1964: n.p.


Leyden, Andrew P. “The Operation Desert Storm Debriefing Book”


Internet Page. University of Notre Dame Law School. 15 Feb.


1995.


Pelland, Paul. E-mail to the author. 25 June 1996.


Post, James N. E-mail to the author. 26 June 1996


Roush, Gary. Statistics about the Vietnam War Internet Page.


Nov. 1993.


United States, Joint Resolution of Congress H. J. RES 1145.


Aug. 7, 1964. Department of State Bulletin 24 Aug. 1965.


Wittman, Sandra M. “Chronology of the Vietnam War.” Vietnam:


Yesterday and Today Oakton Community College. Skokie, Illinois.


16 May 1996: n.p.ings about the


Vietnam War. Most authors studied the war at high echelons, but


neglected the morale of the buck privates and the effect of the


media in the Vietnam War. No military plan even by top


strategists in the White House could succeed if half of the


privates believed that they would be defeated before long. So why


should they go on fighting?


For years, I have been wondering how much the American public was


uninformed about the Vietnam War.


From “My War” (unpublished) by L.T.


Bibliography


Johnson, Lyndon B. “The Tonkin Gulf Incident.” Message to


Congress. Aug. 5, 1964. Department of State Bulletin 24 Aug.


1964: n.p.


Leyden, Andrew P. “The Operation Desert Storm Debriefing Book”


Internet Page. University of Notre Dame Law School. 15 Feb.


1995.


Pelland, Paul. E-mail to the author. 25 June 1996.


Post, James N. E-mail to the author. 26 June 1996


Roush, Gary. Statistics about the Vietnam War Internet Page.


Nov. 1993.


United States, Joint Resolution of Congress H. J. RES 1145.


Aug. 7, 1964. Department of State Bulletin 24 Aug. 1965.


Wittman, Sandra M. “Chronology of the Vietnam War.” Vietnam:


Yesterday and Today Oakton Community College. Skokie, Illinois.


16 May 1996: n.p.ings about the


Vietnam War. Most authors studied the war at high echelons, but


neglected the morale of the buck privates and the effect of the


media in the Vietnam War. No military plan even by top


strategists in the White House could succeed if half of the


privates believed that they would be defeated before long. So why


should they go on fighting?


For years, I have been wondering how much the American public was


uninformed about the Vietnam War.


From “My War” (unpublished) by L.T.

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